By Tamara Maleh
Introduction: The Fundamental Methodological Problem
Gil Student's article "The Jesus Narrative in the Talmud" represents a valuable systematisation effort, but suffers from a fundamental methodological error that invalidates its main conclusions. Student approaches the Talmudic references to Yeshu with what Peter Schäfer terms a simultaneously "positivist" and excessively "minimalist" approximation: he seeks scattered historical facts whilst denying the internal coherence of the Talmudic narratives.
Student states:
"We will quickly realize that there are great difficulties in stating that any of these texts refer to Jesus. We will see that a large number of historians and talmudists have addressed these issues and have concluded that either none of these passages refer to Jesus or that they refer to a proto-Jesus, whose life was later obfuscated by the theologically motivated rewriting of history" (Student, n.d., para. 2).
This approach treats the Talmudic narratives as defective historical reports, when in reality they are deliberate and sophisticated theological counter-narratives. Schäfer articulates the correct thesis:
"I propose that these (mainly) Babylonian stories about Jesus and his family are deliberate and highly sophisticated counternarratives to the stories about Jesus' life and death in the Gospels—narratives that presuppose a detailed knowledge of the New Testament" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 8-9).
The difference is fundamental: Student seeks "historical facts" and finds contradictions; Schäfer seeks "reception history" (Wirkungsgeschichte) and finds theological coherence. As Schäfer notes about the history of research in this field:
"The history of research on how the Jews of Late Antiquity discussed Christianity in general and Jesus in particular is impressively rich and deserves a study of its own" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 3).
Student, unfortunately, fails to overcome the limitations of previous research that Schäfer has identified and corrected.
Ben Stada and Ben Pandera
Student's Objection: Problematic Identification
Student argues that references to Ben Stada and Ben Pandera are inherently problematic and probably refer to people different from Yeshu. He writes:
"Some historians claim that Ben Stada, also known as Ben Pandera, was Jesus. His mother's name was Miriam which is similar to Mary" (Student, n.d., para. 5).
However, Student proceeds immediately to enumerate what he considers insurmountable problems:
"Problem 1. Mary Magdalene was not Jesus' mother. Neither was Mary a hairdresser. 2. Jesus' step-father was Joseph. Ben Stada's step-father was Pappos Ben Yehudah" (Student, n.d., para. 6).
The Talmudic Passage: Shabbat 104b and Sanhedrin 67a
The fundamental passage in Shabbat 104b establishes the core of the identification:
והלא בן סטדא הוציא כשפים ממצרים בסריטה שעל בשרו אמרו לו שוטה היה ואין מביאין ראיה מן השוטים {בן סטדא בן פנדירא הוא אמר רב חסדא בעל סטדא בועל פנדירא בעל פפוס בן יהודה הוא אמו סטדא אמו מרים מגדלא שיער נשיא היא כדאמרי בפומבדיתא סטת דא מבעלה
("Did not Ben Stada bring sorcery from Egypt by means of incisions in his flesh? They said to him: He was a fool, and we do not bring proof from fools. [Objection:] Ben Stada? He is Ben Pandira! Said Rav Hisda: The husband was Stada, the lover was Pandira. [Objection:] The husband? It was Pappos ben Yehuda! [Answer:] Then his mother was Stada. [Objection:] His mother? It was Miriam megadla nashaia [women's hairdresser]. As they say in Pumbedita: She strayed [stat da] from her husband.")
Not Historical Confusion but Deliberate Theological Construction
Student's objection completely misinterprets the nature of the Talmudic text. The Talmud is not preserving confused historical information about multiple individuals, but deliberately constructing a counter-narrative to the gospel account of the virginal birth. Schäfer explains the dialectical method of the passage:
"This is a typical discourse of the Bavli, which tries to clarify the contradiction between two traditions: according to one received tradition, the fool/magician is called 'son of Stada' and according to another one he is called 'son of Pandera'" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 17).
The Talmud is not confused about identities; it is resolving an apparent tension between two onomastic traditions through a dialectical clarification process characteristic of the Babylonian Talmudic style. The final resolution—that Stada derives from stat da ("she strayed"), a play on words about his mother's adultery—reveals the true intention of the passage.
Schäfer articulates the central theological function:
"This powerful counternarrative shakes the foundations of the Christian message. It is not just a malicious distortion of the birth story (any such moralizing categories are completely out of place here); rather, it posits that the whole idea of Jesus' Davidic descent, his claim to be the Messiah, and ultimately his claim to be the son of God, are based on fraud" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 22).
The narrative does not simply assert that Yeshu was born illegitimately; it asserts that the entire Christological structure—Davidic descent, messianism, divine sonship—collapses once one recognises his true origin as the son of an adulteress and a Roman soldier.
Miriam Megadla Nashaia: Occupation, Not Toponym
Student objects that "megadla nashaia" sounds like "Magdalene" but that Mary Magdalene was not Yeshu's mother. This argument reveals a superficial understanding of both Hebrew and the literary function of the text. The phrase megadla nashaia (מגדלא שיער נשיא) literally means "hair curler of women" or "women's hairdresser". It is not a phonetic attempt to approximate "Magdalene" but an occupational designation that, in the context of rabbinic literature, carries implications of vanity and inappropriate sexuality.
The Talmud frequently associates certain occupations with questionable moral behaviour. A woman whose occupation involved physically adorning other women might be seen as excessively concerned with physical appearance, a trait the text subtly links to her marital infidelity. The characterisation serves to reinforce the central theme of the passage: Miriam's deviation (stat da) from her husband.
More fundamentally, Student ignores that the crucial element of the passage is not the name or occupation but the etymological wordplay that transforms "Stada" into a statement about adultery. As Schäfer observes, this is a standard rabbinic literary technique that converts names into theological statements. The passage is not confused; it is being deliberately ingenious.
The Question of Pappos ben Yehuda: Chronology vs. Literary Function
Student presents what he considers his most devastating objection:
"Pappos Ben Yehudah is a known figure from other places in talmudic literature... Rabbi Akiva lived during the second half of the first century and the first half of the second century. He died in the year 134. If Pappos Ben Yehudah was a contemporary of Rabbi Akiva's, he must have been born well after Jesus' death and certainly could not be his father" (Student, n.d., para. 7).
This objection reveals that Student fundamentally misunderstands how the Talmud functions as a literary and theological text. The Talmud is not interested in preserving precise historical data in the style of a modern positivist historian. Schäfer explicitly rejects this type of historicist reading:
"Our rabbinic texts do not preserve, and did not intend to preserve, historical information about Jesus and Christianity that can be compared to the New Testament and that throws new (and different) light on the New Testament narrative. Such a naive attitude—which dominates most, if not all, of the relevant research literature, although to different degrees and with different conclusions—must be dismissed once and for all" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 96).
The inclusion of Pappos ben Yehuda is not a chronological error but a deliberate literary and theological choice. The Talmud in Gittin 90a preserves a tradition that characterises Pappos ben Yehuda as excessively jealous, locking his wife up when he left the house. This characterisation has a precise literary function in the Talmudic narrative about Ben Stada: it underscores that the husband's jealousy and suspicion about his wife's infidelity were completely justified. The jealous husband turns out to be right—his wife indeed betrayed him with Pandera.
Schäfer articulates the correct methodological principle:
"I will claim that these (mainly) Babylonian stories about Jesus and his family are deliberate and carefully phrased retelling—not of what 'really happened' but of what has come to or captured the rabbis' attention. And the source to which they refer is not some independent knowledge of Jesus, his life, and his followers that has reached them through some hidden channels; rather, as I could show in detail, it is the New Testament (almost exclusively the four Gospels) as we know it or in a form similar to the one we have today" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 96-97).
The Babylonian Talmud is constructing a theological response to the New Testament, not compiling a historical dossier. The anachronism is intentional and serves specific polemical purposes.
The Testimony of Celsus: Crucial External Evidence
Student mentions briefly but does not adequately develop the importance of Celsus's testimony:
"Scholars have long pointed to a remarkable parallel in the pagan philosopher Celsus' polemical treatise" (Student, n.d., para. 9).
However, this concordance is devastating for any attempt to deny that the Talmud refers to Yeshu.
In Contra Celsum I:28, Origen preserves the Jewish tradition that Celsus knew around 180 CE: "He [Celsus's Jew] says that she [Yeshu's mother] was expelled by her husband, who was a carpenter by profession, as she was convicted of adultery. He then says that after being expelled by her husband and whilst wandering shamefully, she gave birth secretly to Jesus."
More explicitly, in Contra Celsum I:32, Origen quotes Celsus's Jew: "the mother of Jesus is described as expelled by the carpenter who was betrothed to her, as she had been convicted of adultery and had a child by a certain soldier named Panthera."
Schäfer analyses this concordance exhaustively:
"These congruencies make it highly probable that both the Talmud and Celsus draw on common sources (most likely originally Jewish sources) that relate that Jesus of Nazareth was a bastard because his mother was an adulteress (Miriam) and his father was her lover (Pandera/Panthera)" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 20).
The concordance between a second-century pagan source and the Babylonian Talmud indicates that there existed a coherent anti-Christian Jewish tradition about Yeshu's illegitimate birth that circulated widely in the ancient world. This tradition clearly referred to Yeshu of Nazareth, not to some other obscure individual.
Pantera/Pandira: From Parthenos to Roman Soldier
Schäfer identifies the probable origin of the name Pantera as a deliberate polemical inversion of parthenos (παρθένος, "virgin" in Greek):
"This explanation, first suggested by F. Nitzsch and followed by quite a number of scholars, is indeed more plausible... what we encounter here is the well-known rabbinic practice of mocking pagan or Christian holy names by changing them pejoratively... by changing parthenos to pantheros, the rabbis do not just practice a case of 'cacophemism'; rather, they utter a magical spell, or an exorcism, and 'transform' Jesus' birth from a virgin to that of a common Roman soldier named Panther" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 98-99).
This interpretation explains the genesis of the name Pantera/Pandira as a sophisticated anti-Christian polemic. It is not simply a common Roman soldier's name (although such names existed), but a theological play on words that inverts the central Christian claim. Where Christianity proclaims birth from parthenos (virgin), rabbinic Judaism responds with birth from Pantera (fornicating soldier).
The linguistic transformation has both phonetic and theological dimensions. Phonetically, parthenos and pantheros are sufficiently similar for the allusion to be recognisable. Theologically, the substitution is devastating: it replaces virginal purity with military fornication, miraculous conception with common adultery, and divine descent with bastardy.
The Narrative of Yeshu ben Perahya
Student's Objection: Chronological Anachronism
Student treats the story of Yeshu as a disciple of Yehoshua ben Perahya with extreme scepticism based on chronological considerations:
"Yeshu lived about a century before Jesus" (Student, n.d., para. 12).
Student concludes:
"Other than the name, nothing in the story fits anything we know about Jesus" (Student, n.d., para. 13).
The Talmudic Passage: Sanhedrin 107b and Sotah 47a
The story appears in two parallel versions. Sanhedrin 107b relates:
אתא לקמיה כמה זמנין אמר ליה קבלן לא הוי קא משגח ביה יומא חד הוה קא קרי קריאת שמע אתא לקמיה סבר לקבולי אחוי ליה בידיה הוא סבר מידחא דחי ליה אזל זקף לבינתא והשתחוה לה אמר ליה הדר בך אמר ליה כך מקובלני ממך כל החוטא ומחטיא את הרבים אין מספיקין בידו לעשות תשובה ואמר מר ישו כישף והסית והדיח את ישראל
("Yeshu came before [Yehoshua ben Perahya] several times and said to him: Accept me [back]. [Yehoshua ben Perahya] did not pay attention to him. One day, [Yehoshua ben Perahya] was reciting the Shema [and] Yeshu came before him. [Yehoshua ben Perahya] intended to accept him and made a sign to him with his hand [indicating he should wait]. [Yeshu] thought he was rejecting him. He went and erected a brick and prostrated himself before it. [Yehoshua ben Perahya] said to him: Repent. [Yeshu] said to him: Thus I have received from you [as tradition]: Anyone who sins and causes the masses to sin is not given the opportunity to repent. And the Master said: Yeshu practised sorcery, incited and seduced Israel.")
The parallel version in Sotah 47a presents the same episode with slight textual variations but the same narrative structure and the same outcome: Yeshu's rejection by his teacher leads directly to his idolatrous apostasy.
Anachronism as Deliberate Literary Strategy
Student sees in the anachronism an argument against identification with Yeshu of Nazareth. However, this reading completely misinterprets the literary function of the passage. The anachronism is not an error but a deliberate choice with profound theological implications. Schäfer explains:
"According to the latest editorial layer in the Bavli, it is a distinguished rabbi (no less a figure than one of the famous 'pairs'), who is responsible for the origin of Christianity" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 40).
The narrative fulfils multiple theological functions simultaneously. First, it situates the origin of Christianity within the context of rabbinic heresy, not as an external movement but as an internal deviation from rabbinic Judaism. Second, it attributes responsibility for this deviation partially to the excessive harshness of a rabbinic teacher, creating a narrative of shared blame. Third, and most importantly, it establishes that Yeshu was originally a legitimate disciple within the rabbinic system who became a heretic due to specific circumstances.
Schäfer articulates the importance of this latest editorial layer:
"In counting Jesus among the students who turned out badly, the rabbis passed upon him their harshest judgment. Moreover, I will show that in Jesus' case, the reproach with which they confronted him clearly had sexual undertones and emphasized the suspicion of his dubious origin" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 11).
The Misinterpreted Gesture and the Idolatrous Brick
The narrative core of the passage revolves around a misinterpreted gesture. Yehoshua ben Perahya is reciting the Shema when Yeshu approaches seeking reconciliation. The teacher makes a hand sign indicating that Yeshu should wait until he finishes the prayer. However, Yeshu misinterprets the gesture as final rejection. This misinterpretation has catastrophic consequences: Yeshu "erected a brick and prostrated himself before it" (אזל זקף לבינתא והשתחוה לה).
The brick (leveinata) is significant. It is not an elaborate idol but the humblest and most common object possible. The choice of a brick for Yeshu's first idolatrous action underscores the triviality and arbitrariness of his apostasy. He was not seduced by some impressive idol but, in his resentment, converted the most mundane object into an object of worship. This characterises Yeshu's idolatry as fundamentally irrational and motivated by personal spite rather than any legitimate theological search.
When Yehoshua ben Perahya discovers what has happened and exhorts Yeshu to repent, Yeshu responds with a statement that becomes his theological sentence: "Thus I have received from you [as tradition]: Anyone who sins and causes the masses to sin is not given the opportunity to repent" (כך מקובלני ממך כל החוטא ומחטיא את הרבים אין מספיקין בידו לעשות תשובה). Yeshu quotes Yehoshua ben Perahya himself against him, arguing that according to his own teacher's principle, it is already too late for repentance.
This statement is profoundly ironic. Yeshu uses the rabbinic tradition he received from his teacher to justify his rejection of repentance. He becomes a victim of the rabbinic law he himself learnt. The passage concludes with the formula: "And the Master said: Yeshu practised sorcery, incited and seduced Israel" (ואמר מר ישו כישף והסית והדיח את ישראל). This conclusion connects the narrative with the formal accusations against Yeshu that appear in other Talmudic passages.
The Function of the Episode in Anti-Christian Polemic
The narrative of Yeshu and Yehoshua ben Perahya fulfils sophisticated polemical functions. First, it internalises the origin of Christianity within rabbinic Judaism, presenting it not as an external revelation but as the deviation of a problematic disciple. Second, it links the emergence of Christianity with the most basic idolatry—the worship of a brick—suggesting that all subsequent Christian theology is elaboration upon an initial trivial apostasy. Third, it distributes blame: although Yeshu is clearly the heretic, his teacher's excessive harshness contributed to the disaster.
More subtly, the narrative suggests that Yeshu's problem was not so much his initial doctrine but his inability to repent. The crucial moment is not when Yeshu prostrates himself before the brick—this could have been corrected—but when he rejects the exhortation to repentance by quoting the very rabbinic tradition that condemns him. This circular self-reference is what seals his fate.
The Execution of Yeshu in Sanhedrin 43a
Student's Objection: Incompatibility with the Gospels
Student presents what he considers fundamental incompatibilities between Sanhedrin 43a and the gospel accounts:
"Ben Stada was stoned by a Jewish court and not crucified by the Roman government like Jesus. The Synoptic Gospels say that Jesus was executed on Passover itself (Matthew 26:18-20; Mark 14:16-18; Luke 22:13-15) and not the eve of Passover. Jesus was not crucified in Lud" (Student, n.d., para. 15).
The Text of Sanhedrin 43a: Explicit Identification
The central passage in Sanhedrin 43a is explicit in its identification:
בערב הפסח תלאוהו לישו הנוצרי, והכרוז יוצא לפניו ארבעים יום: "ישו הנוצרי יוצא ליסקל על שכישף והסית והדיח את ישראל. כל מי שיודע לו זכות יבוא וילמד עליו". ולא מצאו לו זכות, ותלאוהו בערב הפסח
("On the eve of Passover they hanged Yeshu the Nazarene. And a herald went forth before him for forty days [proclaiming]: 'Yeshu the Nazarene is going to be stoned because he practised sorcery, incited and seduced Israel to idolatry. Anyone who knows anything in his defence, let him come and exonerate him.' But nothing was found in his defence, and they hanged him on the eve of Passover.")
Unlike the passages that use coded names like Ben Stada or Ben Pandera, this text explicitly says "Yeshu HaNotzri" (ישו הנוצרי—"Yeshu the Nazarene"). The identification is unequivocal and does not allow the evasion that Student attempts through references to other figures.
"Stoning" vs. "Crucifixion": Legal Vindication, Not Historical Error
Student's objection about the method of execution reveals a fundamental misunderstanding of the text's purpose. The passage mentions both stoning (lisaqel) and hanging (talahu). This is not confusion but a deliberate theological and legal statement. Schäfer explains:
"Unlike Pilate, who emphasizes the political part of the charge against Jesus, our Bavli author adopts and interprets the version of the trial before the Sanhedrin, combining it with the mishnaic law: the accusation and condemnation of a blasphemer and idolater, who leads astray all of Israel. We, the Jews, he argues, have put him on trial and executed him for what he was: a blasphemer, who claimed to be God and deserved the capital punishment according to our Jewish law" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 71-72).
The Talmud is vindicating Jewish legal authority over Yeshu's execution. It is not denying that he was hanged/crucified (talahu can refer to both), but insisting that this occurred after appropriate legal stoning according to Jewish law. Deuteronomy 21:22-23 prescribes that after executing certain criminals by stoning, their bodies should be hung on a tree as additional warning, although they must be taken down before nightfall. The Talmudic text combines both elements: Jewish legal authority (stoning) with the fact that he was also hanged.
This is not a defensive narrative attempting to deny Jewish responsibility, but a proud narrative that vindicates it. The message is clear: Yeshu was correctly tried and correctly executed according to Jewish law for the crimes of blasphemy, sorcery and incitement to idolatry.
The Concordance with John on the Date: Erev HaPesah
The mention of "eve of Passover" (erev ha-Pesah) is extraordinarily significant because it specifically agrees with the Gospel of John, not with the Synoptics. John 19:14 places the crucifixion on "the day of Preparation of the Passover" (παρασκευὴ τοῦ πάσχα), that is, the 14th of Nisan, the day before Passover begins at nightfall. In contrast, Matthew 26:17-20, Mark 14:12-17 and Luke 22:7-15 place the Last Supper on Passover night, implying that the crucifixion occurred during Passover day itself (15th of Nisan).
Schäfer explains the importance of this concordance:
"Only John says that the execution took place on the fourteenth of Nisan (the day before Passover)... it is the particular holiness of Passover falling on a Sabbath that John gives as the reason for the Jewish request to have Jesus and the two other criminals buried on that very Friday" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 72-73).
That the Talmud agrees with John and not with the Synoptics on this specific chronological detail cannot be accidental. It demonstrates specific and detailed knowledge of the Gospel of John. This is not information that would be preserved by independent oral tradition; it is evidence of direct familiarity with the gospel text. As Schäfer argues extensively, the Babylonian Talmud shows particular familiarity with the Gospel of John, the most theologically developed and the most explicit in its high Christological claims.
The Herald for Forty Days: Ostentatious Procedural Justice
The detail of the herald proclaiming for forty days before the execution is not intended as a factual historical report. No judicial system, ancient or modern, would proclaim for forty days that it plans to execute someone. Rather, this is a statement about procedural justice taken to hyperbolic extreme. The message is: ample opportunity was given—far beyond any reasonable legal requirement—for someone to present evidence in Yeshu's defence. "But nothing was found in his defence" (ולא מצאו לו זכות).
The passage continues with the crucial comment of the amora Ulla:
אמר עולא ותסברא יש"ו הנוצרי בר הפוכי זכות הוא מסית הוא ורחמנא אמר לא תחמל ולא תכסה עליו אלא שאני ישו דקרוב למלכות הוה
("Said Ulla: Can you believe that? Was Yeshu the Nazarene someone for whom one should seek merit? He was an inciter [mesiit]! And the Torah says: 'You shall not have compassion on him nor cover for him' [Deuteronomy 13:9]. But Yeshu was different because he was close to the kingdom [qarov la-malkhut].")
This comment is fundamental for understanding the complete passage. Ulla raises a rhetorical objection: given that Yeshu was a mesiit (inciter to idolatry), why was he even given the opportunity for defence? According to Deuteronomy 13:7-12, the inciter must be executed without compassion. Ulla's answer is that Yeshu "was close to the kingdom" (qarov la-malkhut), which may mean he had political connections, influence with the authorities, or simply that his case was politically sensitive due to his followers.
This answer is revealing. Far from being a contradiction or problem, it explains why Yeshu received an exceptional procedure. His influence or the political implications of his execution required special precautions. The Talmud is not confused; it is explaining the special circumstances surrounding an exceptional case.
Sanhedrin 67a: The Procedure for Catching the Mesiit
The parallel passage in Sanhedrin 67a adds another crucial dimension. After describing the special legal procedure for catching a mesiit (inciter)—through hidden witnesses who listen whilst the accused is incited to repeat his heresy—the text concludes:
וכן עשו לבן סטדא בלוד ותלאוהו בערב הפסח
("And thus they did with Ben Stada in Lod, and they hanged him on the eve of Passover.")
The phrase "and thus they did" (ve-khen asu) establishes that Ben Stada was subjected precisely to the legal procedure described in the Mishnah for catching the mesiit. This explicitly links Ben Stada with the legal category of inciter to idolatry. The mention of Lod (Lydda) instead of Jerusalem is not a contradiction but possibly a reference to a different event in the figure's life, or more probably, an alternative localisation preserved in a different tradition. In any case, the identification with Ben Stada connects this passage with the entire complex of narratives about Yeshu that Student attempts to fragment.
The Five Disciples: Sanhedrin 43a
Student's Objection: Unrecognisable Names
Student dismisses the narrative of the five disciples arguing: "Of the five disciples, only one is recognized. What of the other four?... The name Matai seems like a nickname or Aramaic equivalent of Matityahu, which was a known Jewish name in that time period" (Student, n.d., para. 17-18).
The Text: A Battle of Biblical Verses
The passage in Sanhedrin 43a establishes:
תנו רבנן חמשה תלמידים היו לו לישו הנוצרי מתאי נקאי נצר ובוני ותודה
("Our Rabbis taught: Five disciples had Yeshu the Nazarene: Matai, Naqqai, Netzer, Buni and Todah.")
The text proceeds to narrate the trial of each through duels of biblical verses. For example, for Matai:
אתיוהו למתי אמר להו מתי יהרג הכתיב מתי אבוא ואראה פני אלהים אמרו לו אין מתי יהרג דכתיב מתי ימות ואבד שמו
("They brought Matai [before the judges]. He said to them: Shall Matai be executed? It is written: 'When [matai] shall I come and appear before God?' [Psalm 42:3]. They said to him: Yes, Matai shall be executed, for it is written: 'When [matai] shall he die and his name perish?' [Psalm 41:6].")
This structure is repeated for the five names, each with biblical verses of defence and accusation that play with the meaning or sound of the name.
Not History but Systematic Theology
Student's objection commits the fundamental error of treating these names as if the Talmud were attempting to preserve historical information about real disciples. Schäfer dismantles this approach: "What we have here... is a highly sophisticated battle with biblical verses, a battle between the rabbis and their Christian opponents, challenging the Christian claim that he is the Messiah and Son of God, that he was resurrected after his horrible death, and that this death is the culmination of the new covenant" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 12).
Each name is a theological vehicle that refutes a specific Christological claim. The number five is not arbitrary but symbolic: the five books of the Torah, the five divisions of the Psalms, or simply a number representing completeness. What matters is not the historicity of the names but their hermeneutical function.
Analysis of Each Disciple: Specific Christological Refutations
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Matai (מתאי): The play on words with matai (when?) refutes the Christian eschatological hope of resurrection and encounter with God. The defence cites Psalm 42:3: "When shall I come and appear before God?" (matai avo ve-era'eh penei Elohim), expressing the hope of resurrection and beatific vision. The accusation responds with Psalm 41:6: "When shall he die and his name perish?" (matai yamut ve-avad shemo), affirming that there will be no resurrection but definitive extinction. The Christian hope that Yeshu and his followers will resurrect and see God is refuted through the same term (matai) which now becomes a question about final death, not divine encounter.
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Naqqai (נקאי, from נקי "innocent"): This name directly refutes the claim of Yeshu's innocence, particularly prominent in the Gospel of John where Pilate declares three times "I find no fault in him" (John 18:38, 19:4, 19:6). The defence cites Exodus 23:7: "The innocent (naqi) and righteous you shall not kill" (ve-naqi ve-tzadiq al taharog). The accusation responds with Psalm 10:8: "In secret places he kills the innocent" (ba-mistarim yaharog naqi). The message is clear: the proclamation of innocence is false. Yeshu and his followers are not neqiyim (innocent) but guilty and deserving of death. Pilate's triple declaration of innocence is inverted through this verse that accepts the premise (naqi) but inverts the verdict (he must be killed, not released).
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Netzer (נצר "branch"): This is perhaps the most sophisticated of the five names because it directly attacks the messianic claim based on Davidic descent. Isaiah 11:1 is a classic messianic text: "There shall come forth a rod from the stem of Jesse, and a branch [netzer] from his roots shall flourish" (ve-netzer mi-sharashav yifreh). Christianity interprets this verse as prophecy of the Messiah of Davidic lineage (Jesse was David's father). The defence cites this verse, claiming Davidic messianic identity for Yeshu.
The accusation responds with devastating effectiveness by quoting Isaiah 14:19: "But you are cast out of your grave like an abhorred branch [netzer]" (ve-atah hoshlakhta mi-qivrecha ke-netzer nit'av). Schäfer explains: "Against this Davidic claim the judges set up quite another narrative: You, Netzer, are not from Davidic lineage, God forbid, but the 'abhorred offshoot,' who will be left unburied, 'pierced with the sword'—another reference to the Gospels—'like a trampled corpse'" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 79).
The reference to being "pierced with the sword" (meduqarei jariv) in Isaiah 14:19 may allude to the crucifixion or the piercing of Yeshu's side in John 19:34. The same term (netzer) that Christianity uses to affirm Davidic messianism becomes, through a different verse from Isaiah, a declaration of rejection, lack of proper burial, and ignominious violent death.
- Buni (בוני, from בני "my son"): This name attacks divine sonship, the heart of high Christology. The defence cites Exodus 4:22: "My son [beni], my firstborn, Israel" (beni bekhori Yisrael), the verse where God calls Israel his firstborn son. Christianity reinterprets this language of collective divine sonship as applicable individually to Yeshu as the true Son of God.
The accusation responds with the immediately following verse, Exodus 4:23: "Behold I will kill your son [binekha], your firstborn" (hineh anokhi horeg et binekha bekhorekha). In its original context, God threatens Pharaoh with killing his firstborn if he does not free Israel. Applied polemically to Yeshu, the verse declares that the supposed "firstborn son" of God will in fact be killed. The claim of divine sonship does not protect but condemns.
- Todah (תודה "thanksgiving"/"thanksgiving offering"): The last name is the most theologically sophisticated because it attacks sacramental and eucharistic theology. In the Temple context, a todah was a thanksgiving offering. In the Christian context, the term transforms into a reference to the Eucharist—the thanksgiving sacrifice par excellence where, according to Christian theology, bread and wine become the body and blood of Christ.
The defence cites Psalm 100:1, whose heading reads: "A Psalm of thanksgiving" (Mizmor le-todah). The accusation responds with Psalm 50:23: "He who sacrifices thanksgiving [zoveaj todah] shall honour me" (zoveaj todah yekhabbedani). In its original context, this verse affirms that the appropriate thanksgiving offering honours God. However, applied polemically, it declares that only the appropriate sacrifice of todah (the Jewish sacrificial system) honours God, whilst the false Christian sacrifice (the Eucharist) does not.
This refutation is particularly devastating because it attacks the central sacrament of Christianity. John 6:51-58 contains the most explicit eucharistic teaching: "I am the living bread which came down from heaven. If anyone eats of this bread, he will live for ever... Verily, verily I say unto you: unless you eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink his blood, you have no life in you. He who eats my flesh and drinks my blood has eternal life... For my flesh is true food and my blood is true drink." The Talmud responds that this "sacrifice of thanksgiving" is false and does not honour God.
The Systematic Structure of the Refutations
The structure of the five refutations is not random but systematic. Together, they dismantle the fundamental pillars of Christology:
- Matai: Refutes Christian eschatology (resurrection and eternal life)
- Naqqai: Refutes Yeshu's innocence
- Netzer: Refutes Davidic messianism
- Buni: Refutes divine sonship
- Todah: Refutes eucharistic sacramental theology
As Schäfer observes, these five names constitute "a highly sophisticated battle with biblical verses, a battle between the rabbis and their Christian opponents" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 12). It is not history but high-level polemical hermeneutics. The Talmud is using Hebrew Scripture against Christian interpretations of that same Scripture, demonstrating that for every verse Christianity cites in its favour, there exists another verse that refutes it.
Healing in Yeshu's Name
The Passages: Tosefta Chullin 2:22-23 and Avodah Zarah 27b
Although Student mentions these passages briefly, he does not develop their profound implications. The Tosefta Chullin 2:22-23 relates:
מעשה בר' אליעזר בן דמה בן אחותו של ר' ישמעאל שהכישו נחש ובא יעקב איש כפר סכניא לרפאותו ולא הניחו ר' ישמעאל אמר לו אי אתה רשאי בן דמה אמר לו אני אביא לך ראיה שירפאני ולא הספיק להביא ראיה עד שמת אמר ר' ישמעאל אשריך בן דמה שיצאת בשלום העולם ולא פרצת גדירן של חכמים
("It happened with R. Eleazar ben Dama, nephew of R. Ishmael, that he was bitten by a serpent. Yaakov of Kefar Sekanya came to heal him, but R. Ishmael did not permit it. He said to him: You are not permitted, Ben Dama. He replied: I will bring you proof that he may heal me. But he did not manage to bring proof before he died. Said R. Ishmael: Fortunate are you, Ben Dama, that you departed in peace [from the world] and did not break the fence of the Sages.")
The version in Avodah Zarah 27b adds additional details:
מעשה בבן דמא בן אחותו של ר' ישמעאל שהכישו נחש ובא יעקב איש כפר סכניא לרפאותו ולא הניחו ר' ישמעאל ואמר לו ר' ישמעאל אחי הנח לו וארפא ממנו ואני אביא מקרא מן התורה שהוא מותר ולא הספיק לגמור את הדבר עד שיצתה נשמתו ומת
("It happened with Ben Dama, nephew of R. Ishmael, that he was bitten by a serpent. Yaakov of Kefar Sekanya came to heal him, but R. Ishmael did not permit it. R. Ishmael said to him: My brother, let him heal me, and I will bring a verse from the Torah that [shows that] it is permitted. But he did not manage to finish the sentence when his soul departed and he died.")
Yeshu's Name in the Healings
In uncensored versions of these texts, it is specified that Yaakov of Kefar Sekanya/Sama healed "in the name of Yeshu ben Pandera" (be-shem Yeshu ben Pandera). This detail is crucial because it establishes that there existed Christian healers who effectively invoked Yeshu's name to perform healings, but that rabbinic authority categorically forbade resorting to them.
The Conflict between Pikuaj Nefesh and Idolatry
The passage presents a genuine and profound halakhic dilemma. The principle of pikuaj nefesh (saving life) is one of the most fundamental in Jewish law and normally suspends almost all other prohibitions. However, there exist three transgressions for which one must die rather than transgress them: idolatry (avodah zarah), murder (shefikhut damim), and grave sexual immorality (gilui arayot). The implicit question in the passage is: In which category does healing in Yeshu's name fall?
R. Eleazar ben Dama argues that he can bring scriptural proof that the healing would be permitted even if it involves Yeshu's name. Presumably, his argument would be based on the principle of pikuaj nefesh. However, he does not manage to articulate this argument before dying. R. Ishmael, far from lamenting his nephew's premature death, declares him "fortunate" (ashrecha) because "you departed in peace [from the world] and did not break the fence of the Sages" (she-yatzata be-shalom ha-olam ve-lo faratzta gediran shel chakhamim).
This conclusion is extraordinary and reveals the gravity with which the Talmud views invocation of Yeshu's name. R. Ishmael is declaring that death is preferable to being healed in Yeshu's name. This places healing by Christian means unequivocally in the category of absolute idolatry, one of the three transgressions for which one must accept martyrdom.
The Power of the Name and Rabbinic Authority
Schäfer identifies the central theme of the passage:
"The healing power of the name does not depend on either the magician's or the patient's belief. Jesus, in explicitly allowing the use of his name even by nonfollowers, acknowledges the magical power inherent in his name" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 60).
This observation connects directly with Mark 9:38-40, where the apostle John reports: "Teacher, we saw someone casting out demons in your name... and we tried to stop him because he was not following us. But Jesus said: Do not stop him; for no one who does a deed of power in my name will be able soon afterward to speak evil of me." The gospel itself recognises that Yeshu's name had thaumaturgical power independent of the faith or affiliation of the one invoking it.
The Talmudic passage responds by absolutely forbidding the use of this power, even when it would save a life. Schäfer articulates what is at stake:
"what is at stake here is the authority of the rabbis versus the authority of Jesus, reasoning—and deciding—among equal partners versus unbridled individual power. For the rabbis, the keys to the kingdom of heaven have been given to them (through the Torah, which God did not want to remain in heaven but decided to hand over to them); for the Christians, the keys are now in the hands of the new Israel, who have access to God not least through their magical power" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 106).
The conflict is not simply about healing methods but about fundamentally incompatible religious authority structures. Christianity offers direct access to divine power through invocation of Yeshu's name. Rabbinic Judaism insists that access to God must be mediated by the Torah and collective rabbinic authority. To accept healing in Yeshu's name would be to recognise the validity of the Christian authority structure, and this the Talmud absolutely rejects, even at the cost of human lives.
The Punishment of Yeshu in Gehinom: Gittin 57a
A Passage Student Completely Ignores
Significantly, Student does not address at all the boldest and most graphic passage of the Babylonian Talmud about Yeshu. In Gittin 57a, Onqelos the convert invokes Yeshu from Gehinom (hell) through necromancy:
אזל אסקיה {לישו} בנגידא אמר ליה מאן חשיב בההוא עלמא אמר ליה ישראל מהו לאדבוקי בהו אמר ליה טובתם דרוש רעתם לא תדרוש כל הנוגע בהן כאילו נוגע בבבת עינו אמר ליה דיניה דההוא גברא במאי אמר ליה בצואה רותחת
("Onqelos went and raised [Yeshu] by necromancy. He asked him: 'Who is important in that world?' He answered: 'Israel.' [He asked:] 'What about joining them?' He answered: 'Seek their good, do not seek their harm. He who touches them is as if he touches the apple of [God's] eye.' [He asked:] 'What is the punishment of that man?' He answered: 'In boiling excrement.'")
Beyond the Grotesque: Anti-Eucharistic Theology
This apparently grotesque passage contains one of the most sophisticated theological polemics of the Talmud against Christianity. The superficial response would be to see it as simple obscenity or malice, but Schäfer proposes a profound interpretation:
"I would like, however, to go a step further and put up for discussion an (admittedly rather speculative) interpretation that focuses on the accusation of blasphemy and idolatry... Jesus incited Israel to eating—and hence is punished by sitting in what eating produces: excrement. And what is the 'eating' that Jesus imposed upon his followers? No less a food than himself—his flesh and blood" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 92).
This interpretation connects the punishment directly with the eucharistic teaching of John 6:51-58, the most explicit passage of the New Testament about eating Yeshu's flesh and drinking his blood: "I am the living bread which came down from heaven. If anyone eats of this bread, he will live for ever... Verily, verily I say unto you: unless you eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink his blood, you have no life in you. He who eats my flesh and drinks my blood has eternal life... For my flesh is true food and my blood is true drink."
The punishment is middah keneged middah (measure for measure): Yeshu taught eating his flesh and drinking his blood, proclaiming that this would bring eternal life. The Talmud responds that this brings not life but is essentially consuming filth, and therefore Yeshu himself is eternally punished sitting in the product of eating—boiling excrement. The inversion is complete: where Christianity promises "bread of life" (artos tes zoes), rabbinic Judaism sees only filth.
Schäfer concludes:
"What we have, then, in our Bavli narrative is a devastating and quite malicious polemic against the Gospels' message of Jesus' claim that whoever follows him and, literally, eats him becomes a member of the new covenant that superseded the old covenant with the Jews. How early the Eucharist was understood realistically as consuming the flesh and blood of Jesus is controversial, but it seems as if already Ignatius of Antioch (martyred soon after 110 C.E.?) attacks heretics who do not accept this view" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 92-93).
Yeshu's Counsel from Gehinom
An additional aspect of the passage deserves attention. When asked about Israel, Yeshu responds: "Seek their good, do not seek their harm. He who touches them is as if he touches the apple of [God's] eye" (tovatan derosh ra'atan al tidrosh kol ha-noge'a bahen ke-ilu noge'a be-vavat eino). This last phrase alludes to Zechariah 2:12: "For he who touches you touches the apple of his eye" (ki ha-noge'a bakhem noge'a be-vavat eino).
This counsel is profoundly ironic. Yeshu, from his eternal punishment, advises not to harm Israel. The implication is that his own attempts to lead Israel away from God resulted in his eternal condemnation, and now he warns against repeating his error. This is not a statement of genuine repentance but a forced recognition of reality from his punishment. The message to Christians is clear: Yeshu himself, from hell, recognises the centrality of Israel in the divine plan and warns against attempting to usurp or harm its position.
The Crucial Distinction: Palestinian vs. Babylonian Sources
A Fundamental Aspect Student Ignores
Student does not address at all the most important distinction for understanding these texts: the difference between Palestinian and Babylonian sources. This omission is fatal to his analysis because it ignores the historical and political context that explains why references to Yeshu appear the way they do. Schäfer argues:
"it is not so much the distinction between earlier and later sources that matters but the distinction between Palestinian and Babylonian sources, between the two major centers of Jewish life in antiquity" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 9).
The Political Context in Palestine
In Palestine, under Roman and subsequently Byzantine Christian rule, Jews lived under growing pressure and hostile surveillance. The conversion of Emperor Constantine in the fourth century CE had profound and lasting consequences. Schäfer explains:
"When the emperor of the West, Constantine, defeated the emperor of the East, Licinius, in 324 C.E., it was the first time a Christian would become the ruler of Palestine—with profound and long-lasting consequences not least for the Jews" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 115).
Under Christian government, any Jewish text that openly criticised Yeshu or Christianity became dangerous. Palestinian Jews had to be cautious in their expressions. References to Yeshu in Palestinian sources are, therefore, typically more veiled, more coded, and more careful.
The Political Context in Babylonia
In marked contrast, the situation in the Sasanian Persian Empire was radically different. Schäfer explains:
"Under the dynasty of the Sasanians, which in the third century C.E. replaced the Parthian Arsacids, the Zoroastrian religion with its strong antagonism between good and evil and its fire worship became the uniting religious force in the vast and multiethnic Persian Empire... In reality the Christians were much worse off than the Jews, and this for very concrete political reasons: when Christianity became an officially recognized and patronized religion under Constantine and his successors, the major enemy of the Sasanian Empire suddenly turned out to be a Christian—and this did not leave the status of the Sasanians' Christian subjects unaffected" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 116-117).
In this political context, where Christianity was seen as the religion of the imperial enemy (Byzantium), Babylonian Jews had considerable freedom to express criticisms of Christianity without fear of governmental reprisals. Indeed, such criticisms might even have been viewed favourably by the Sasanian Zoroastrian authorities who shared the hostility towards Christianity.
The Consequence: Explicit Polemic in the Bavli
This difference in political contexts explains why the most explicit, graphic and daring references to Yeshu appear exclusively in the Babylonian Talmud. Schäfer observes:
"it should not come as a surprise that we find the most graphic polemic against Jesus in the Babylonian Talmud (and not in Palestinian sources)... a conflict emerges that is not a conflict any more between Jews and Jewish Christians or Christian Jews (i.e., Christianity in the making), but between Jews and Christians in the very process of defining themselves (i.e., the Christian Church)" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 122).
Palestinian sources tend to use coded names (Ben Stada, Ben Pandera) and are more circumspect. Babylonian sources, free from Christian surveillance, can explicitly say "Yeshu HaNotzri" and develop elaborate polemics about his birth, life, teachings, execution and post-mortem punishment. This is not confusion between multiple figures but difference in freedom of expression determined by radically different political contexts.
The Theory of "Two Yeshus": Methodological Inadequacy
Student's Proposal
Student proposes the traditional theory that the Talmudic passages refer to multiple individuals:
"The standard rabbinic understanding of these passages is that these passages refer to at least two different people... The first lived in the first half of the first century BCE during the reign of Alexander Janneus. The second lived in the first half of the second century CE, during the time of the Roman persecution that led to Rabbi Akiva's tragic death" (Student, n.d., para. 22).
This theory, whilst supported by some traditional commentators seeking to distance the Talmudic texts from any reference to Yeshu of Nazareth, is untenable in the face of rigorous textual analysis.
Schäfer's Methodological Rejection
Schäfer categorically rejects both the "two Yeshus" theory and the even more minimalist theory of Johann Maier (that none of the passages refer to Yeshu of Nazareth). Schäfer articulates his methodology:
"I take the risk of limiting myself to this more narrowly defined question because I believe that Jesus, along with his family, was indeed perceived in our sources as a subject of its own... I start with the deliberately naive assumption that the relevant sources do refer to the figure of Jesus unless proven otherwise" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 7).
This "deliberate naïveté" (deliberately naive assumption) is in reality profound methodological sophistication. Instead of beginning with the assumption that the texts cannot refer to Yeshu (Maier's and other minimalists' assumption), or that they must refer to multiple figures (the "two Yeshus" theory), Schäfer begins with the simplest hypothesis: the texts refer to a coherent figure unless convincing evidence demonstrates otherwise.
The Internal Coherence of the Narratives
The internal coherence of the Talmudic narratives points strongly to a single figure serving as counter-narrative to the gospel account. All the elements form a consistent pattern:
- Illegitimate birth of adulterous mother (Miriam megadla nashaia) with Roman soldier (Pandera)
- Deceived and jealous husband (Pappos ben Yehuda)
- Problematic disciple who becomes heretic (Yeshu and Yehoshua ben Perahya)
- Practitioner of Egyptian magic (Ben Stada bringing sorcery from Egypt)
- Inciter to idolatry (mesiit u-maddiaj)
- Justly executed on eve of Passover (erev ha-Pesah)
- Five "disciples" representing Christological refutations
- Healers who invoke his name but are forbidden
- Eternal punishment in boiling excrement for teaching eating his flesh
This is not a random collection of fragments about different individuals. It is a coherent and systematic counter-narrative that responds point by point to Christian claims about Yeshu. Each element complements the others in a unified theological argument.
Specific Refutation of the "Two Yeshus" Theory
The theory that the Yeshu disciple of Yehoshua ben Perahya (time of Alexander Jannaeus, approximately 100 BCE) is different from the Yeshu executed in Roman times (first century CE) fails for several reasons:
First, the same name "Yeshu HaNotzri" appears in Sanhedrin 43a explicitly connecting the execution with "Yeshu the Nazarene". This is not a generic name but a specific identification.
Second, the thematic coherence between all the passages—magic, seduction to idolatry, execution for blasphemy—indicates a single figure, not multiple casual individuals with the same name.
Third, and most fundamentally, the anachronism is intentional, not evidence of confusion. As Schäfer has demonstrated exhaustively, the Babylonian Talmud is constructing theological counter-narratives, not compiling case histories. The placement of Yeshu as a disciple of Yehoshua ben Perahya a century before his actual time serves specific theological purposes: it internalises the origin of Christianity within the rabbinic system and characterises it as rabbinic heresy, not an external movement.
Schäfer concludes:
"Many modern historians detect different strata of texts from different ages within the talmudic period. The passages originally referred to different people named Yeshu, Ben Stada, and Ben Pandira, none of whom were Jesus. Over time, different generations of talmudic rabbis melded the passages together with added phrases and details. However, according to Johann Maier, none of these passages ever related to Jesus" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 7).
Schäfer rejects this theory completely, demonstrating instead the internal coherence and thematic unity of all the references.
The Specific Relationship with the Gospel of John
A Crucial Aspect Student Ignores
Student does not address the specific relationship between the Talmudic narratives and the Gospel of John. However, this connection is fundamental for understanding the Sitz im Leben and purpose of the Talmudic texts. Schäfer devotes considerable attention to demonstrating that the Babylonian Talmud shows particular familiarity with John, the most theologically developed of the gospels.
Schäfer argues:
"If we review the allusions to the New Testament in detail, it becomes immediately clear that the rabbis must have been familiar primarily with all the four Gospels... This is quite a colorful picture, but still, the familiarity of our (Babylonian) sources with John stands out" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 123-124).
Specific Concordances with John
Specific concordances include:
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The date of execution: Only John places the crucifixion on the eve of Passover (John 19:14: "It was the day of Preparation of the Passover"), agreeing exactly with Sanhedrin 43a and 67a (erev ha-Pesah). The Synoptics place the Last Supper on Passover night, implying execution during Passover.
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Explicit eucharistic doctrine: John 6:48-58 is the most explicit passage about eating Yeshu's flesh and drinking his blood. The polemic in Gittin 57a (punishment in boiling excrement) specifically responds to this Johannine teaching.
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The declaration of innocence: Pilate's declaration about Yeshu's innocence appears in all the gospels, but is most emphatic and repeated in John (18:38, 19:4, 19:6). The name "Naqqai" (naqi, innocent) amongst the five disciples specifically responds to this claim.
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The piercing of the side: John 19:34 ("one of the soldiers pierced his side with a lance") is unique amongst the gospels. The application of Isaiah 14:19 ("pierced with the sword") to Netzer in Sanhedrin 43a alludes to this Johannine detail.
John as the Most Offensive Gospel for Judaism
Schäfer explains why John would provoke the strongest Talmudic response:
"There exists hardly any other New Testament text that is more unambiguous and firm in Jesus' mission on earth and his divine origin, indeed his identification with God, and that is sterner in its attitude toward the Jews than the Gospel of John" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 128).
John contains the highest Christological claims: "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God" (John 1:1); "I and the Father are one" (John 10:30); "He who has seen me has seen the Father" (John 14:9). John also contains the most severe anti-Jewish rhetoric: "You are of your father the devil, and you want to do the desires of your father" (John 8:44).
This combination of high Christology and anti-Jewish invective would have been particularly provocative for the Babylonian sages. The Talmudic counter-narratives respond with equal intensity, systematically refuting the Johannine claims about Yeshu's divine identity and his soteriological role.
The Literary Nature of the Talmudic Narratives
The Fundamental Error of the Historicist Approach
The fundamental methodological error that runs through Student's entire analysis is treating the Talmudic narratives as if they were attempting to be defective historical reports. This historicist approach seeks "facts" that can be verified or refuted through external sources, and when it finds "contradictions" or "anachronisms", concludes that the texts cannot refer to Yeshu of Nazareth.
Schäfer categorically rejects this approach:
"Our rabbinic texts do not preserve, and did not intend to preserve, historical information about Jesus and Christianity that can be compared to the New Testament and that throws new (and different) light on the New Testament narrative. Such a naive attitude—which dominates most, if not all, of the relevant research literature, although to different degrees and with different conclusions—must be dismissed once and for all" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 96).
Wirkungsgeschichte, Not Positivist History
Instead of seeking "historical facts", Schäfer proposes seeking "reception history" (Wirkungsgeschichte):
"I will claim that these (mainly) Babylonian stories about Jesus and his family are deliberate and carefully phrased retelling—not of what 'really happened' but of what has come to or captured the rabbis' attention. And the source to which they refer is not some independent knowledge of Jesus, his life, and his followers that has reached them through some hidden channels; rather, as I could show in detail, it is the New Testament (almost exclusively the four Gospels) as we know it or in a form similar to the one we have today. Hence, the rabbinic stories in most cases are a retelling of the New Testament narrative, a literary answer to a literary text" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 96-97).
This methodological shift is revolutionary. The correct question is not "Are these texts historically accurate about Yeshu?" but "What do these texts tell us about how the Babylonian Jewish sages of the third-seventh centuries CE understood, interpreted and responded to Christian claims about Yeshu?" The answer to this question is clear: they constructed sophisticated theological counter-narratives that systematically invert and refute gospel claims.
The Rabbinic Concept of History
Schäfer explains that the rabbis had a concept of history fundamentally different from modern historicism:
"the rabbis were not particularly interested in 'what happened'—for such a historistic and positivistic approach they reserved the disparaging judgment mai de-hawa hawa ('what happened happened')—but tell a story of their own: also, not just fiction but their interpretation of 'what happened' in their peculiar and highly idiosyncratic way" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 96).
The rabbis do not despise history, but are more interested in theological meaning and halakhic implications than in factual reconstruction. Their method is hermeneutical and dialectical, not chronological and positivist. When the Talmud places Yeshu as a disciple of Yehoshua ben Perahya a century before his historical time, it is not "confused" about chronology but making a theological statement about the origin of Christianity as internal heresy to rabbinic Judaism.
A Proud and Counter-Hegemonic Message
Schäfer's Central Thesis
Schäfer's central thesis, which Student neither understands nor addresses, is that the Talmudic narratives about Yeshu constitute a coherent and deliberate "counter-Gospel". Schäfer synthesises:
"Taken together, the texts in the Babylonian Talmud, although fragmentary and scattered, become a daring and powerful counter-Gospel to the New Testament in general and to John in particular" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 129).
This "counter-gospel" systematically inverts every element of the Christian narrative:
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Birth: Not from a virgin but from an adulteress with a Roman soldier, destroying the claims of Davidic lineage and divine sonship.
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Life and teaching: Not a legitimate teacher with divine authority but a problematic disciple who became a heretic, practising Egyptian magic instead of divine power.
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Execution: Not a redemptive sacrifice unjustly imposed by Romans but a just trial and appropriate execution under Jewish law for blasphemy and incitement to idolatry.
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Resurrection and eternal life: Not ascension to heaven but eternal punishment in Gehinom, specifically in boiling excrement as response to his eucharistic teaching.
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Eucharist: Not "bread of life" but consumption of filth, completely inverting the Christian sacramental promise.
An Unprecedented Message
Schäfer identifies the unique nature of this message in the context of Jewish-Christian history:
"we are confronted here with a message that boldly and even aggressively challenges the Christian charges against the Jews as the killers of Christ. For the first time in history, we encounter Jews who, instead of reacting defensively, raise their voice and speak out against what would become the perennial story of the triumphant Church... What the talmudic passage wants to convey in reality is the message that not only Jesus is excluded from the world to come but that all of his followers in the Christian Church share this devastating verdict with him" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 33, 74).
This is a message of theological resistance unparalleled in ancient Jewish sources. It is not defensive but offensive. It does not apologise for the crucifixion but vindicates it as an act of justice. It does not recognise Christianity's superiority but denies it absolutely. It does not seek accommodation but affirms a Jewish vision incompatible with the Christian one.
The Historical Context of the Message
This proud and counter-hegemonic message was only possible in the specific context of the Babylonian Talmud under the Sasanian Empire. As Schäfer has demonstrated, the political freedom of Babylonian Jews (in contrast with their Palestinian brethren under Byzantine Christian rule) allowed them to express what Jews elsewhere could not. Schäfer concludes:
"This, I will posit, is the historical message of the (late) talmudic evidence of Jesus. A proud and self-confident message that runs counter to all that we know from Christian and later Jewish sources" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 9).
Conclusion: Towards an Adequate Reading of the Talmud on Yeshu
Student's Methodological Errors Summarised
Gil Student's approach to the Talmudic material on Yeshu reflects the methodological problems that have plagued this field of study for generations. By seeking "historical facts" that confirm or refute the gospel accounts, Student fundamentally misinterprets the nature and purpose of these texts. His main objections—the anachronism of Pappos ben Yehuda, the location of the execution in Lod instead of Jerusalem, the method of execution as stoning instead of crucifixion, the unrecognisability of four of the five disciples—all proceed from the fundamental error of applying positivist historicist criteria to texts that do not intend to be history in that sense.
Schäfer's Correct Methodology
As Peter Schäfer has demonstrated exhaustively in Jesus in the Talmud, the Talmudic narratives about Yeshu are not defective historical reports nor confusions about different individuals. They are sophisticated and deliberate theological counter-narratives that respond directly to the New Testament, especially to the Gospel of John. These narratives emerged in a specific historical context—the Babylonian Talmud under the Sasanian Empire between the third and seventh centuries CE—where Jews could express themselves freely about Christianity without fear of reprisals, unlike their brethren under Byzantine Christian rule in Palestine.
The correct methodology, as Schäfer articulates, does not seek "historicity" but "reception history" (Wirkungsgeschichte). The appropriate question is not "Are these texts historically accurate about Yeshu?" but "What do these texts tell us about how the Babylonian Jewish sages understood, interpreted and responded to Christian claims about Yeshu?" The answer, as Schäfer demonstrates with abundant textual evidence and contextual analysis, is that these sages constructed a coherent and bold counter-narrative.
The Elements of the Counter-Narrative
This counter-narrative, taken as a coherent whole, includes:
Illegitimate birth: The inversion of parthenos (virgin) to Pantera (fornicating soldier) denies not only the virginal birth but the entire structure of Davidic lineage and divine sonship that depends on it. The characterisation of Miriam as adulteress (stat da from Stada) and the justifiably distrustful jealous husband (Pappos ben Yehuda) complete the inversion of the gospel birth narrative.
Origin as rabbinic heresy: The narrative of Yeshu as disciple of Yehoshua ben Perahya who becomes heretic internalises the origin of Christianity within the rabbinic system, presenting it not as external revelation but as internal deviation. The misunderstanding of the gesture during the Shema that leads to idolatrous apostasy characterises the origin of Christianity as based on resentment and misinterpretation, not on divine vision.
Magic vs. rabbinic authority: The characterisation of Yeshu as magician who brought sorcery from Egypt inverts the Christian claim of divine power. The passages about healing in Yeshu's name establish that, although the name may have thaumaturgical power, resorting to it is absolutely forbidden because it represents an authority structure (individual magical power) incompatible with collective rabbinic authority based on the Torah.
Just execution: Sanhedrin 43a constitutes a proud vindication of Jewish responsibility for Yeshu's execution, presenting it not as crime but as act of justice according to Jewish law. The special procedure (herald for forty days) emphasises that due process was followed. Ulla's declaration—that Yeshu was a mesiit (inciter) who according to the Torah does not deserve compassion—makes explicit that the execution was correct and necessary.
Systematic Christological refutation: The five "disciples" (Matai, Naqqai, Netzer, Buni, Todah) constitute a systematic refutation of central Christological claims through battle of biblical verses: resurrection and eternal life, innocence, Davidic messianism, divine sonship, and eucharistic sacrifice.
Eternal punishment: Gittin 57a constitutes the final statement about Yeshu's fate. Not resurrection but eternal punishment. Not ascension but descent to Gehinom. And specifically, punishment in boiling excrement as middah keneged middah inversion of his teaching about eating his flesh and drinking his blood.
The Coherence of the Counter-Gospel
Far from being scattered and contradictory fragments about multiple individuals (as Student argues), these elements form a coherent counter-gospel that systematically responds to the New Testament. Schäfer articulates this coherence:
"I propose that these (mainly) Babylonian stories about Jesus and his family are deliberate and highly sophisticated counternarratives to the stories about Jesus' life and death in the Gospels—narratives that presuppose a detailed knowledge of the New Testament" (Schäfer, 2007, pp. 8-9).
The Implications for Modern Talmudic Scholarship
Modern Talmudic scholarship must overcome simplistic approaches that seek to validate or invalidate historical narratives through anachronistic positivist criteria. It must, instead, appreciate the literary, theological and historical complexity of these texts as products of Jewish communities responding creatively and with intellectual sophistication to the challenges of emergent and subsequently triumphant Christianity.
Schäfer's work demonstrates that a careful reading, historically contextualised and literarily sensitive of these passages reveals not confusion but clarity, not fragmentation but coherence, not defensiveness but pride. The Babylonian sages who composed and edited these passages were not preserving confused rumours about obscure figures. They were deliberately constructing an integral theological response to the Christian gospel, a response that affirmed the continued validity of rabbinic Judaism in the face of Christian claims of supersession and substitution.
A Message for Our Time
The Talmudic narratives about Yeshu represent a unique moment in Jewish-Christian history: a moment where Jews, free from Christian pressure due to their location in the Sasanian Empire, could articulate a complete and unapologetic critique of Christianity. This message, whilst suppressed for centuries by Christian censorship and minimised by later Jewish commentators who lived under Christian rule, deserves to be understood on its own terms.
As Schäfer concludes:
"This, I will posit, is the historical message of the (late) talmudic evidence of Jesus. A proud and self-confident message that runs counter to all that we know from Christian and later Jewish sources" (Schäfer, 2007, p. 9).
Understanding this message requires abandoning the historicist presuppositions that distort the reading of these texts. It requires recognising that the Babylonian Talmud was not attempting to write history in the modern sense but to articulate theology in polemical dialogue with Christianity. And it requires appreciating that, far from being evidence of "confusion" or "error", the apparent "contradictions" and "anachronisms" that Student points out are precisely the characteristics of a text operating in the theological-literary register instead of the historical-factual.
Final Reflection
The refutation of Gil Student that this essay has presented is not simply a matter of academic disagreement about details of interpretation. It is a question of fundamental methodology. Student represents an approach that, whilst well-intentioned, fundamentally misinterprets the nature of the Talmudic texts about Yeshu. By applying positivist historicity criteria to texts that do not intend to be positivist history, Student inevitably arrives at erroneous conclusions about fragmentation, confusion and multiple referents.
Peter Schäfer, in contrast, offers a methodology that respects the literary and theological nature of these texts, that contextualises them historically in their respective Palestinian and Babylonian environments, and that recognises their function as deliberate counter-narratives to the Christian gospel. This methodology is not only more faithful to the texts themselves but also reveals their intellectual sophistication and theological coherence.
Future scholarship on the Talmudic references to Yeshu must build on the foundations that Schäfer has established, not on the historicist approaches that he has demonstrated to be inadequate. Only then can we truly appreciate what the Babylonian Talmud tells us—not about the "historical Yeshu" (a project for which these texts are inadequate and inappropriate), but about Jewish-Christian dialogue in Late Antiquity and the Jewish articulation of an alternative and proudly non-Christian theological vision in a unique moment of intellectual freedom under the Sasanian Empire.
References
Schäfer, P. (2007). Jesus in the Talmud. Princeton University Press.
Student, G. (n.d.). The Jesus narrative in the Talmud. The Real Truth About The Talmud. Retrieved from http://talmud.faithweb.com/articles/jesusnarr.html
Author's Note: This essay has cited extensively from both Peter Schäfer and Gil Student. Translations of Talmudic passages have been made directly from the Hebrew/Aramaic, consulting standard translations but adapting them according to argumentative context. The purpose of this essay is to contribute to the academic debate about the interpretation of Talmudic passages referring to Yeshu, not to attack the faith or identity of any community. The methodological approach defended here simply seeks to read these texts on their own terms, respecting their literary nature and historical context.
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